Indigenous persons in the Constitution of Bangladesh will not acquire added cost on the Government; rather it will proceed as a self-assurance construction assess between the mainstream humanity-illustrate and explain.


Indigenous  groups,  peoples and  countries  are those which, having a  chronicled  continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that  evolved  on their territories,  address  themselves distinct from other  parts  of societies now  current  in those territories, or  components  of them. They  pattern  at present non-dominant  parts  of  humanity  and are  very resolute  to  maintain,   evolve  and  convey  to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic  persona,  as the  cornerstone  of their  proceeded   reality  as peoples, in  agreement  with their own  heritage  patterns,  communal   organizations  and  lawful  systems. A  kind  of  titles  are  utilized  in  diverse   nations  to  recognize  such  assemblies  of  persons,  but they  usually  are  considered  as the “original inhabitants” of a territory or region. Their right to self-determination may be materially influenced by the later-arriving ethnic groups. The  exact   period  indigenous peoples has a much more restrictive  understanding  when it  utilized  in more formalized, legalistic and  learned   backgrounds,   affiliated  with the collective  privileges  of human populations.

Ethnic  groups  in Bangladesh are  requiring  to be  identified  as indigenous  community  as lawmakers  address   modifying  the country’s constitution. Bangladesh’s majoritarian community is Sunni Muslim. Ethnic minorities comprise less than 2  per hundred  of the country’s  community  of 56 million. The  topic  of  legal   acknowledgement  of indigenous peoples in Bangladesh,  increased  by indigenous  persons  themselves and  municipal   humanity  has  captivated   substantial   vigilance  and  developed   argument  in  latest  times.

 Constitutional Recognition

The latest judgment of the Bangladesh Supreme Court in what has arrive to be called the 5th amendment case announced the Constitution (Fifth Amendment) Act, 1979 (Act 1 of 1979) ultra vires and illicit and instructed the Government of Bangladesh to take legislative assesses to revert to the initial Constitution of 1972. After the killings of the territory Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman peoples of Bangladesh has lost this constitution. Army men particularly General Ziaur Rahman and General HM Ershad were broken our constitution. And then, put Islam in the constitution by arm force. Still we have been bearing the very dark spot. The heritage of fairness renunciation is the origin of all persecution on the ethnic and devout minorities and it’s not the partial but a entire part of lawless individual fairness scheme in Bangladesh.

The General Zia and his ancestors presented the persecution on the minorities in Bangladesh. Bangladesh was blessed with the Islamization by the means under infantry regime in nonattendance of parliamentarian democracy. Bangladesh was not born with blessings to be communal but with a essence of Islamization but a secular policy. The strike on the devout few convey with the concept of “Islam in the constitution”.

In midst of 1979 to 1981 the indigenous persons become held at bay by the major land landless persons in method of their rehabilitation by the government. The ongoing claims are being articulated and encouraged by distinct assemblies, in distinct forums and in distinct ways. I desire to solely talk about in this item the method started by the indigenous constituents of assembly in August, 2010 and which is still ongoing, and present my outlooks on the befitting terminology to be utilised in the context of reforms.

Political Review

It is the alarming view that about 25 million individuals in over 40 nations all over the world, who are uprooted and at risk of uproot inside their own nations as a outcome of interior confrontation, communal aggression, or egregious violations of human rights.[1]  Additionally, millions of internally replaced individuals (IDPs) are forcibly replaced by natural catastrophes and implementation of diverse development projects. International get access to to them can be tragically guarded and even impeded by distinct states in the title of sovereignty or by the disintegrate of states and rampant insecurity. Last two decades have observers an tremendous boost in the number of internally replaced persons in South Asia. Their position is especially susceptible because different the refuges they are not ever adept to proceed away from the sites of confrontations and have to stay inside a state in which they were compelled to migrate in the first place. Two hegemonic discourses overridden the text: linguistic and religious.

 Inclusion of Indigenous People’s Right

The ongoing argument and considerations on the befitting terminology to be utilised to mention to the non-Bengali ethnic assemblies of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) and those of the “plains” districts of Bangladesh display diverse opinions. Whilst kind and pluralism is attractive in numerous contexts, in the context of likely and imminent legal restructure in Bangladesh and for the sake of clarity, harmony and scheme, the most attractive way ahead would be to encourage agreement on the use of one set of terms. The use of correct terminology is furthermore significant because the period inevitably groups the context of, and characterises the parameters of, the privileges that adhere to the worried assembly of people it mentions to, particularly under nationwide (Bangladeshi) regulation and furthermore to an span under worldwide human rights law[2]. These encompass “upajati” (similar to, but not precisely, ‘tribal’), “khudro nrigoshthhi” (small ethnic groups) and “shongkhya loghu” minorities.

Indigenous Peoples under International Law

‘Indigenous Peoples’, and to a lesser span, ‘indigenous people’, are established after question as the favoured globally acknowledged terminology – as invoked in some United Nations devices – to mention to assemblies that are, or were, mentioned to as ‘aboriginal’, ‘tribal’, ‘hill tribes’, ‘scheduled tribe’, ‘ethnic minorities’, etc.. The World Bank and local development banks too take up the identical language. As in the case of minorities, there is no prescribed delineation of indigenous peoples in any worldwide human privileges instrument. The ILO Convention No. 107 (ratified by Bangladesh) presents some criteria to recognise ‘indigenous’ and ‘tribal’ populations. The previous are those that are (i) descended from chronicled community assemblies that inhabited the homeland at the time of conquest or colonization; and (ii) who reside more in conformity with the communal, financial and heritage organisations of these historic assemblies than with the ‘institutions of the territory to which they belong’. The CHT indigenous peoples fulfill both criteria on the environment of the organisations to which they pertains and with consider to their occurrence in the worried territory at the time of conquests.[3]
Perhaps one the most broadly acknowledged ‘working definitions’ of indigenous peoples is the one supplied by UN Special Reporter Jose Martinez Cobo, who encompasses the next criteria to recognise indigenous peoples: (i) continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies; (ii) comprising non-dominant parts of society; and (iii) conclusion to maintain, evolve and convey to future generations their ancestral territories and ethnic persona “in agreement with their heritage patterns, communal organisations and lawful systems”. If we condense the overhead criteria, the next may appear the most vital ones: (a) exclusion from (or only marginal addition in) the up to date state-building and prescribed development processes; (b) extending non-dominance (or marginalization) in foremost decision-making processes; (c) occurrence of accustomed regulation and customary governance institutions; (d) close addition to an ancestral or chronicled territory; and (e) geographic engrossment in those territories. All of these criteria are applicable to the indigenous assemblies in the CHT, and in the flat lands of Bangladesh. Moreover, when it approved the ILO Convention No. 107 in June, 1972, the Government of Bangladesh did not lift any objections to the use of the phrase ‘indigenous’. It would be mala fide, discriminatory and improper for the government to now state that it acknowledges the ‘tribal’ epithet but not ‘indigenous’. Moreover, there are some Bangladeshi, encompassing CHT-specific, regulations that mentions to the indigenous peoples as ‘indigenous’, ‘aboriginal’ and ‘adibashi’, as cited hereafter. Over the last decades, numerous nations have either restructured their constitution, regulations or taken up new legislation for talking privileges on indigenous persons in the pattern of affirmative activity as well as applying worldwide norms. For demonstration, the constitution of Argentina of 1994 directs the Congress of Argentina, inter alia, to assurance esteem for the heritage persona of indigenous persons, to identify the juridical character of indigenous communities, and to secure their ancestral land rights.[4]

 Affect Indigenous peoples by Recent Changing Constitution

Main anxieties that sway Indigenous peoples are;

(A) Non acknowledgement of Indigenous Peoples as Indigenous (Adibasi). Upajati(tribes)/Khudra Jatisatta(minor races)/Nrigosthi-sampradai(ethnic sects and communities) are the periods inserted. These terminologies are not agreeable to the indigenous peoples.

 (B) ISLAM as state belief of Retaining: Islam solely will not be the state belief as there are persons who perform and pursue other beliefs for example Hindu, Christian, Buddha and Indigenous Practices.

(C) “BISMILLAH-AR-RAHMAN-AR-RAHIM” (In the title of Allah) in the preamble of the constitution.

 (D) The Citizenship Of Indigenous people: The People of Bangladesh will be renowned as Bengali as a territory and the people of Bangladesh will be renowned as Bangladeshis. Indigenous peoples of Bangladesh manage not desire to be renowned as Bengali. In this way Indigenous peoples own nationwide persona will get lost.

 (E) Flexibility of Association: There is a likelihood of every parties/organizations/associations of the Indigenous Peoples to be halted terming them communal.

Mr. Larma called on all the Jumma persons to get joined and salary a action contrary to those who manage not identify the reality of ‘indigenous peoples’, who propose to steal them of their racial dentity by producing them Bengalis and turn them into second-class people by keeping the provision of state religion[5].

A large parade was conveyed out after the rally that paraded through the foremost roads in the town. It is mentionable that as per decision of Supreme Court, Awami League-led present impressive coalition government changed constitution of Bangladesh. For this reason, Jatiya Sangsad (National Parliament) passed Fifteen Constitution (Amendment) Bill 2011 on 30 June 2011.

The government did not supply legal acknowledgement of indigenous peoples as indigenous peoples (Adibasi); rather, termed tribal’s, little nationalities, ethnic assembly and communities. These terminologies are not acknowledged by the indigenous peoples.

Indigenous peoples furthermore disputed contrary to keeping of “BISMILLAH-AR-RAHMAN-AR-RAHIM” (In the title of Allah) in the preamble of the constitution and ISLAM as state religion. They contended that Islam solely will not be the state belief as there are persons who perform and pursue other beliefs for example Hindu, Christian, Bouddha and Indigenous Practices. They said that it would turn persons of other beliefs to second-class citizens.


 The Constitution of Bangladesh desires to apprehend up with the times, and illustrate to the world, and to the country’s people, that it really reflects the floricultural composition of its citizenry and their wealthy heritage of ethnic, linguistic, heritage, devout and religious diversity. .Many indigenous groups have been dwelling in the homeland for centuries in Bangladesh. The constitution of Bangladesh has currently accorded preferential remedy to the in turn around parts of the persons which furthermore encompass indigenous persons or ethnic minority. According acknowledgement of indigenous persons in the Constitution of Bangladesh will not acquire added cost on the Government; rather it will proceed as a self-assurance construction assess between the mainstream humanity and indigenous communities. Furthermore, it will pay for larger defence to their privileges and concerns, not curtailing those of the mainstream people. The legal acknowledgement of indigenous persons will furthermore help the development of their own groups and heritage inside a state formation, and will be helpful equipment to avert the colonizing inclination of superior cultures.


  12. “Constitution of Bangladesh: Part II: Fundamental Principles of State Policy”. Chief Adviser’s Office. Prime Minister’s Office. Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.

[1] The constitutional and legislative measure are frequently used as means for adopting affirmative action policies and programmes, which are particularly beneficial to the indigenous groups.

[2] Moral and ethical aspects of human rights discourse dictates that indigenous people should be portrayed as groups of human beings with fundamental human rights as well as special kind of rights as remedial measures for historical reasons.

[3] Many countries have either reformed their constitution, laws or adopted new legislation for conferring rights on indigenous people in the form of affirmative action as well as implementing international norms.

[4] It an application of the indigenous languages and scripts, such as literature, conversion literature, public education, public health, public relations, and publicity of news letters, social programs, national and local elections, documentations of customary laws, mother language instruction and so on.

[5] The indigenous members of parliament, including ministers-of-state, Promode Mankin and Dipankar Talukdar, are known to have recently met Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who had reportedly agreed to consider the inclusion of Adivasi issues in the future constitution of Bangladesh. On 7 August, 2010, Minister Talukdar hosted a meeting at his Dhaka residence, which was participated in by all the indigenous MPs and a number of indigenous leaders from different parts of Bangladesh.