ALTERNATIVES AVAILABLE TO WOMEN
According to Shireen Huq, a founding member of the women’s activist organization Naripokkho and a member of its central coordination committee, Bangladeshi women fleeing abuse “have few or no options. They put up with violence, especially in marriage, and hope it will subside over time” (Huq 11 Aug. 1993). Sigma Huda, secretary-general of the Bangladesh Society for the Enforcement of Human Rights (BSEHR), agrees: “if a woman is the victim of violence, she will likely accept it as fate and remain in the relationship” (BSEHR 12 Aug. 1993).
In addition to the social stigma attached to leaving a marriage, the lack of economic opportunities in Bangladesh is another major obstacle confronting women who wish to leave abusive relationships. Huq states that while some women might consider returning to their natal home, this option is rarely encouraged by parents who in all likelihood are already living at a subsistence level, particularly when the fleeing woman has children. As a result, parents often encourage their daughters to tolerate domestic violence. A woman’s options may be even more limited in cases where the natal home has been inherited by a son. She may choose to forego her share of the inheritance in the hope that her brother will take her in at some later date; however, there is no guarantee that the brother will shelter her, and if shelter is provided, more often than not she will be relegated to the position of “household helper” (Huq 11 Aug. 1993).
Huq notes that in Dhaka only a couple of shelters are available to women fleeing violence, and she describes these facilities as “inadequate” (ibid.). There is also a temporary shelter run by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs for women requiring rehabilitation into society, but the shelter is used primarily by former prostitutes and is not available to victims of domestic violence. Another shelter has been reserved for unwed mothers. The capacity of each shelter is estimated at between 10 and 20 women (Huda 12 Aug. 1993). In rural areas, where more than 85 per cent of women live (CCHRB Mar. 1993, 67; Country Reports 1992 1993, 1126), there are no shelters and women are forced to rely on their families and neighbours for support (Huq 11 Aug. 1993).
Those women who wish to leave the country and have the means to do so may find other barriers to flight from abuse or violence. Article 15.(4) of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women states that signatory nations “shall accord to men and women the same rights…relating to the movement of persons or the freedom to choose their residence and domicile,” but a Naripokkho report prepared for CEDAW indicates that women in Bangladesh require the consent of their husbands to obtain a passport (Oct. 1992, 5). Although there is no legislation governing this matter, the passport office allegedly insists on the husband’s signature before it will issue a passport to a woman (Huq 11 Aug. 1993). The practice reportedly began in 1979 or 1980 after the Ministry of Home Affairs circulated an inter-departmental memo on deterring the traffic in women. Huda cautions that while the government’s objective was to ensure that women could not be removed from the country without the knowledge of their families, in practice the policy does not prevent someone other than the husband from signing the papers (12 Aug. 1993).
Although the practice has been challenged, with the result that the government did comply in one instance, the passport office reportedly continues to ask for the husband’s permission before issuing a passport to a woman (Huq 15 Aug. 1993; ibid. 11 Aug. 1993). However, an official with the High Commission for Bangladesh in Ottawa denied that women in Bangladesh still require their husbands’ permission (21 July 1993).
In recent years women’s organizations have formed for the purpose of raising public awareness about women’s issues and to lobby the government to improve their social, economic and legal situation. Although information is limited, among these organizations are the Women’s Lawyers’ Association, the Committee for Resistance to Violence to Women and Social Injustices, Bangladesh Mahila Parishad (BMP), Bangladesh Federation of Business and Professional Women (BFBPW), Women for Women, Saptagram Nari Swanirbhar, Naripokkho, Bangladesh Mohila Samity (BMS) and the Bangladesh Federation of University Women (Kamal 1989, 7; United Nations 8 Apr. 1993, 21-22; The Dallas Morning News 6 Oct. 1993). The CCHRB indicates that in Dhaka about a dozen NGOs conduct legal literacy and training programs and provide direct legal aid (Nov. 1992, 90). A legal aid society reportedly was formed under the auspices of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (Khan 1988, 21). As detailed in a United Nations report, the women’s ministry has also developed a number of special projects to raise awareness of women’s issues and promote legal aid (United Nations 8 Apr. 1993, 38-39). The Bangladesh Women’s Health Coalition has lobbied the government to put women’s reproductive and health issues on the public agenda (The Washington Post 7 June 1992), while the Bangladesh Women Peasants Association organized a 12 April 1992 rally in Dhaka at which nearly 5000 angry Bangladeshi women “demand[ed] government action to curb the dowry system, create jobs and ensure welfare payments” (The Independent 13 Apr. 1992). Such changes do not come easily, however. One Bangladeshi feminist’s outspoken anti-fundamentalist views have proved so controversial that some 2000 Islamic fundamentalists recently rallied to demand that she be tried and hanged (UPI 2 Oct. 1993; Press Association Newsfile 18 Nov. 1993). One fundamentalist group has reportedly put a price of 50,000 taka (Cdn $1687) on her head (ibid.).
6. FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS
Although the Constitution of Bangladesh establishes equality between men and women in civil law, social norms and customs based primarily on religious laws discriminate against women in practice (Begum 1992, 6-16; Huq 1989, 208; Kamal 1989, 4; Khan 1988, 17; Naripokkho Oct. 1992, 10-11), a fact not denied by the government of Bangladesh (United Nations 28 May 1993, 52-53). Largely as a result of pressure from women’s groups (Kamal 1989, 7), the government of Bangladesh has enacted and amended a number of laws designed to protect women’s rights (Khan 1988, 20; United Nations 11 Apr. 1986, 8; World Bank 1990, 20-22). However, there is a wide gulf between the intent of the legislation and its practical implementation (Kamal 1989, 4; Khan 1988, 17; Lewis Mar. 1993, 18; Naripokkho Oct. 1992, 12; United Nations 8 Apr. 1993, 15). Problems have been reported in enforcement, including slow administrative procedures and a lack of cooperation from enforcement agencies in court cases (Women’s Feature Service May-June 1989, 22), contradictions between laws (International Women’s Rights Action Watch Dec. 1992, 2), bribery of police officials and witnesses (Bhuiyan 1991, 48), police attitudes toward domestic violence (ibid., 14-15), and limited access to legal assistance (Wilson-Smillie Feb. 1990, 4). To explain these shortcomings, socio-economic factors including poverty, illiteracy and the dominance of traditional attitudes and practices are often cited (Begum 1992, 6; Bhuiyan 1991, 15; Kamal 1989, 4; Lewis Mar. 1993, 18).
Analysts are cautious about the future development of women in Bangladesh. According to Naripokkho, attempts to promote the development of women are not likely to be achieved without programmes to promote the awareness of men regarding inequality, gender discrimination and violence against women (Naripokkho Oct. 1992, 26). Because customary practices “have ingrained in women the notion that they are not equal to men,” such programmes must also make women more aware of their legal rights and status in society (Huda 12 Aug. 1993). Finally, Bangladesh needs laws that are quickly and easily enforced and a legal system that is accessible to all “so that the women can get some benefit out of whatever the law is offering” (Kamal 1989, 7).
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